Marijuana Decreases Death Rates From Pain Killers By Over 30 Percent

by Marco Torres

Every year, painkillers such as percocet, vicodin and other opioids kill thousands. Opioid prescriptions have jumped 300 percent in the last decade and they are the most commonly prescribed drugs on the market. They are the most dangerous and addictive drugs that often lose effectiveness with long-term use. So when a plant comes along that can effectively curb dependency on these popular selling medications, pharmaceutical companies get very get angry. Marijuana does just that.

The collusion between Big Pharma and Government is so strong that the system still believes (through corruption) that a plant should be classified as an illegal drug. There is an abundance of evidence that the suppression of medical marijuana is one of the greatest failures of a free society, journalistic and scientific integrity as well as our fundamental values. There is no plant on Earth more condemned than marijuana.

In a historic and significant moment in American history, in November of 2012, Colorado became the first US state to legalize marijuana for recreational use. The impact of the decision has rippled across the entire country with vast opportunities to educate millions on the top health benefits of marijuana and specifically for pain.

More than 100 million people in the United States suffer from debilitating chronic pain. Pain resulting from a severe on-the-job injury is a frustrating experience both for the patient as well as the treating health practitioners and physicians. If pursuing conventional medical care, it leads to chronic dependence on opiate painkillers and anti-depressants which eventually cause toxicity of the brain and metabolic function. However the relief of pain may be less desired if quality of life of such individuals is poor. The physician and the patients are left with no option but to resort to alternative modes of therapy.

Thousands of people who use opioids for pain control die from overdose each year–and the number is increasing. In fact, opioid-overdose deaths have quadrupled within 10 years, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and three out of four of these deaths involveprescription pain medications, not street drugs. Most of the people who die–60%–aren’t using the drugs illegally either. They have legitimate prescriptions.

Against the recommendation of its own panel of expert advisers, last December the agency approved Zohydro ER, a long-acting version of hydrocodone. But attorneys general from 28 states have asked the FDA to reconsider its decision because the drug offers no clear advantages over others already on the market and its potency makes it a target for misuse and abuse.

Some studies have examined the effect of adding a cannabinoid to the regimen of patients with chronic pain who report significant pain despite taking stable doses of potent opioids.

An investigational cannabinoid therapy helped provide effective analgesia when used as an adjuvant medication for cancer patients with pain that responded poorly to opioids, according to results of a multicenter trial reported in The Journal of Pain, published by the American Pain Society.

When patients begin to consume cannabis, there is a notable decline in the amount of prescribed medications taken, such as antipsychotics, mood stabilizers, and pain relievers. These drugs have severe side effects. There is not one clinical study which examined the use of cannabis for pain relief where subjects were not able to reduce their drug intake.

A recent study has revealed some very interesting facts about medical marijuana and relief of chronic pain and patient safety. Meanwhile medical marijuana is becoming legal in more and more states. Here’s why you should be thinking about it if you or a loved one suffers from chronic pain…

A team of investigators from the University of Pennsylvania decided to take a look at the incidence of opioid-related deaths in states that have legalized medical marijuana. They reasoned that since pain control is a major reason why people use medical marijuana, states that have legalized or decriminalized the herb might have lower rates of opioid-related deaths. The study was published in JAMA Internal Medicine.

About 60 percent of overdoses occur in people prescribed the drugs by a single physician, not in those who “doctor shopped” or got them on the black market. And a third of those were taking a low dose. That just doesn’t happen with marijuana.

33 Percent Reduction In Deaths From Opioids 

To test its theory, the team analyzed medical marijuana laws and 10 years’ of death certificates from the entire United States. The research team discovered that, in states that allowed medical marijuana, the overall average annual death rate from opioid overdose was almost 25% lower than it was in states where medical marijuana remained illegal. Not only that, but the relationship grew stronger over time. When average death rates were looked at on a year-to-year basis, the researchers discovered that deaths from opioids decreased by an average 20% in the first year of medical marijuana legalization…25% by the second year…and up to 33% by the fifth and sixth years after medical marijuana was legalized.

”It’s been known anecdotally,” says researcher Mark Ware, MD, assistant professor of anesthesia and family medicine at McGill University in Montreal. “About 10% to 15% of patients attending a chronic pain clinic use cannabis as part of their pain [control] strategy…we’ve shown again that cannabis is analgesic,” Ware says. “Clearly, it has medical value.”

The cannabis relieves pain, Ware says, by ”changing the way the nerves function.”

The Institute of Medicine published in its Mar. 17, 1999 report titledMarijuana and Medicine: Assessing the Science Base. “In conclusion, the available evidence from animal and human studies indicates that cannabinoids can have a substantial analgesic effect.”

When it comes to pain management, some studies even suggest thatpatients who use vaporizers to consume medical marijuana could experience excellent results. A team of Israeli scientists recently conducted a clinical trial in which they discovered that patients who vaporized whole-plant cannabis felt a substantial amount of relief from nerve pain. These findings, which were published in the latest edition of theJournal of Pain and Palliative Care Pharmacotherapy, indicate that the majority of the study participants reported this reduction as the result of inhalers.

Misconceptions of Opioids 

Misconception #1: Opioids work well for chronic pain.An estimated 90 percent of people suffering long-term pain wind up being prescribed an opioid despite little evidence that the drugs help much or are safe when used long-term. “But we do know that the higher the dose and the longer you take it, the greater your risk,” says Gary Franklin, M.D., research professor of environmental and occupational health sciences at the University of Washington in Seattle. People who take opioids for more than a few weeks often develop tolerance, so they require higher doses, which in turn breeds dependence. And although higher doses can ease pain, they commonly cause nausea and constipation, disrupt your immune system and sex life, and leave you feeling too fuzzy-headed to participate in things such as physical activity that can speed your recovery. And in a cruel twist, the drugs can make some people more sensitive to pain.

Misconception #2: Opioids are not addictive when used to treat pain.Somewhere between 5 percent and 25 percent of people who use prescription pain pills long term get addicted. Fewer women are dependent on prescription painkillers than men, but they may become dependent more quickly and are more likely to doctor shop.

Misconception #3: Extended-release versions are safer.Opioids such as hydromorphone (Exalgo), oxycodone (OxyContin and generic), morphine (Avinza, MS Contin, and generic), and the newly approved Zohydro ER stay in the body longer and are usually stronger than short-acting forms. But doctors sometimes prescribe them for convenience–patients need to take fewer pills–and because they believe that long-acting drugs are less likely to cause a drug “high” and lead to addiction. But there’s no evidence those drugs work better or are safer than short-acting ones. And people dependent on opioids seek out the higher potency of long-acting versions. That’s why public health groups and law-enforcement agencies fear that the new Zohydro ER is prone to abuse.

Why Cannabis is Safer

Gregory T. Carter, MD, Clinical Professor at the School of Medicine at the University of Washington, stated the following in his response titled “The Argument for Medical Marijuana for the Treatment of Chronic Pain,” published in an article titled “Medical Marijuana: A Viable Tool in the Armamentaria of Physicians Treating Chronic Pain? A Case Study and Commentary,” in the May 2013 issue of Pain Medicine:

“[R]esearch further documents the safety and efficacy of medicinal cannabis for chronic pain. Cannabis has no known lethal dose, minimal drug interactions, is easily dosed via orally ingestion, vaporization, or topical absorption, thereby avoiding the potential risks associated with smoking completely…

Natural cannabis contains 5-15% THC but also includes multiple other therapeutic cannabinoids, all working in concert to produce analgesia…”

The Mayo Clinic stated in its Aug. 25, 2006 online article “Marijuana as Medicine: Consider the Pros and Cons”:

“People widely used marijuana for pain relief in the 1800s, and several studies have found that cannabinoids have analgesic effects. In fact, THC may work as well in treating cancer pain as codeine, a mild pain reliever. Cannabinoids also appear to enhance the effects of opiate pain medications to provide pain relief at lower dosages.

Researchers currently are developing new medications based on cannabis to treat pain.”

David Hadorn, MD, PhD, Medical Consultant for GW Pharmaceuticals, Ltd., wrote in his July 17, 2003 document titled “Use of Cannabis Medicines in Clinical Practice,” published on his personal websitewww.davidhadorn.com (website no longer available; Feb. 17, 2009):

“Scientists have known for many years that cannabinoids (the major active ingredients in cannabis medicines) are potent pain relievers, and that they act synergistically with opiates to increase the degree of pain relief. The addition of cannabis medicines to therapeutic regimens can reduce the need for opiates by 50 percent or more in many patients (while also reducing side effects such as constipation that opiates commonly produce).”

Denis Petro, MD, Board of Directors for Patients Out of Time, wrote in his paper titled “Spasticity and Chronic Pain” published in the 1997 book Cannabis in Medical Practice – A Legal, Historical and Pharmacological Overview of the Therapeutic Use of Marijuana:

“The evidence in support of cannabis as a treatment for pain exists both in preclinical animal studies and in a small number of clinical trials. Since cannabis contains many active cannabinoids in varying amounts in differing plants, a coherent recommendation concerning use against pain symptoms is lacking… Considering the alternative of addicting drugs such as the opiate analgesics, patients may opt for the relative safety of cannabis.”

Based on these findings, many pain experts are now advising that physicians recommend cannabis therapy in in lieu of opiate medications to “reduce the morbidity and mortality rates associated with prescription pain medications.”

Is South Korea’s Park embracing one scandal to bury another?

Park Geun-Hye addresses both Houses of Parliament on November 5, 2013. CARL COURT/AFP/Getty Images

When President Park Geun-hye and her government called on South Korea’s Constitutional Court to take an unprecedented step and disband a small leftist political party week, the motive seemed fairly clear.

The third-largest party in the country, the United Progressive Party seeks reconciliation with the north, or is at least more nationalist in posture, and makes for a natural rival to Park’s conservative Saenuri Party, which defends the legacy of South Korean dictators like Park’s father, President Park Chung-hee, and takes a hostile stance toward the North.

But Park’s government has come under fire in recent months over reports sympathetic agents in South Korea’s National Intelligence Service systematically attacked her domestic opponents online ahead of last December’s election, quite the scandal for her young administration. So why raise the specter of turning back the clock on democracy given her political opponents’ (already well-trod) habit of labeling her a dictator in waiting?

It may be that Park would prefer to do battle with a (relatively minor) left-wing party, a convenient foil, rather than concentrate on a legal case that still poses trouble to her political future. National politics are polarized, but by holding up the specter of armed Socialist insurrection (a dubious charge being thrown at the United Progressive Party), she is playing it safe and appealing to the broad center of the electorate. The only problem of course, is that national politics has essentially been stuck in place since her inauguration, and young voters in particular are not keen on what seems like an attempt to turn back the clock on political freedoms.

Park clearly would prefer not to alienate an entire generation of South Koreans, and one way to win back their favor may be to terrify them; just as leftist leaders in South America (looking at you, Nicolas Maduro) routinely throw around dubious charges about nefarious right-wing insurrections, Park is likely looking to reap benefits from a media frenzy over the danger of domestic rebellion. Bad call: this latest move will harden sentiment against her administration, ensuring re-election her party’s shot at the presidency when it next comes available (not to mention governing in the meantime) will be a heavy lift indeed.

A Petition to Support Two South Korean Journalists, Kim Oujoon and Choo Chinwoo

---

Dear Supporters of Democracy,

This petition is being written to raise awareness on the severely compromised freedom of speech in South Korea.

Two well-known South Korean journalists, Mr. Kim Oujoon and Mr. Choo Chinwoo, have been indicted on defamation charges against Mr. Park Jiman, the president’s brother, and have just undergone a trial at a high court in Seoul four weeks ago. Mr. Park was implicated in relation to a murder case from 2011. In 2011, a year prior to the last presidential election, there was a criminal case where two of the close relatives of current South Korean president Park Geunhye had been killed. One of the two dead men had testified in court to support a suspicion that Mr. Park Jiman had hired a hit man to kill his brother-in-law because of a conflict over control of the family-run foundation. He was murdered a few days before he would reappear as a witness in court requested by a lawyer for Mr. Park’s brother-in-law. The investigation was done in a rushed manner and concluded that he had been murdered by his own cousin who then took his own life immediately after. Even though there were unanswered questions, suspicions, and evidence that could point in a different direction the investigation was rushed to finish.

After having spent several years looking into the Park’s family feud over the foundation Mr. Choo wrote an article about this mysterious murder case in 2012. His article raised suspicions on certain issues: why had the cousin climbed up a mountain at an incredibly fast speed after having murdered the victim just to hang himself there, why had he taken his daily medicine to improve his health just 30 minutes before his suicide, why powerful prescriptive sleeping pills had been found in his stomach afterwards, why did he have a note in his pocket with only one sentence, “NEVER to bury me, only cremation” in handwriting that was not proven to be his, and with no mention of any motive for a murder or any message to his family. He was in fact immediately cremated, so that any further forensic study in the future would not be possible even if necessary.

Mr. Choo, an investigative journalist, talked about these facts in a podcast talk show hosted by Mr. Kim Oujoon before the presidential election in 2012. This podcast, called “Nanun KKonsuda” or “I am a Crook”, was one of the world’s most downloaded political podcasts in Apple iTunes history with every episode airing weekly to over 10 million downloads. It became a sensational hit in South Korea and is considered a landmark of an experimental talk show method in South Korean political history. Mr. Kim and Mr Choo spoke of this murder case without saying it was associated with Mr. Park. They simply said that before the man showed up to court, to possibly testify against Mr. Park, he had been murdered. However, Mr. Park filed a defamation suit against these two right after the podcast aired.

In 2013 Mr. Kim and Mr. Choo were tried in a trial by jury which involved ordinary citizens as jurors and the two men were acquitted on all charges. However, the prosecutors appealed to a higher court and asked again for three years in prison for Mr. Choo and two years in prison for Mr. Kim, the same demands as the first trial. A judgment by the judge is scheduled to be delivered on January 16, 2015.

Many citizens in South Korea are concerned that the South Korean judicial system may not be completely free from influence from the current two year old conservative and authoritarian administration while dealing with this case. Recently, the administration has gone so far as dissolving a progressive opposition party, the first time ever in South Korean constitutional history. Judges may find it difficult to be fair and unbiased without at least fearing any political consequences in this situation where these two journalists, who are fiercely critical of the government, have been sued by the president’s own brother. In his closing remarks of the first trial Mr. Kim addressed to the jurors, “We were fearful when we talked about this case. However, there is only one reason why Choo Chinwoo chose to write this article despite the numerous threats against him. It is because he is a journalist. I chose to air this interview for the same reason. That is what journalism exists for. Please help us so that we can have a second and a third Choo Chinwoo.” 

The jurors responded not guilty on all charges. Mr. Kim Oujoon and Mr. Choo Chinwoo are still working on this murder case while they await judgment. Please support these two South Korean journalists in this fight, not only for the freedom of speech or the right to stand up to those in power but above all else to fight for the pursuit of truth itself!

Please sign the petition!

Sign Petition

A Petition to Support Two South Korean Journalists, Kim Oujoon and Choo Chinwoo

Day of the Living Dead (in Korea)

Day of the Living Dead

(미국의 한 대학생이 만든 세월호 다큐멘터리)
오스틴 오레치오라는 미국대학생이 만든 세월호 다큐멘터리

http://youtu.be/NYCeJzeuYUA

Day of the Living Dead

A short documentary on press freedom.

YOUTUBE.COM

Sluggish economy discourages start of new companies, causes more firms to fail: data

SEJONG (Yonhap) -- Sluggish economic condition in the 2012-2013 period hindered the creation of new companies and caused more existing firms to shut down, government data showed Wednesday.

Analysis by Statistics Korea revealed 749,000 new companies were formed in 2013, down 21,000 from the year before. The business birth and death report said 741,000 businesses closed in 2012, 58,000 more than the previous year.

The report showed 1.2 million people were working for newly created companies in 2013, down 54,000, while the number of people who worked for failed companies was up 91,000 to 1.06 million.

"Sluggish economic conditions in 2012 and 2013 influenced corporate births and hastened the fall of struggling companies," said Moon Kwon-soon, director of economic planning at the statistical agency.

Such conditions also affected high-growth enterprises and so-called gazelles, he said. 

High-growth enterprises are companies that have more than 10 people on their payrolls and reported 20 percent annual growth in the past three years. Gazelles, a term used by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, are newly founded high-growth companies that have been in operation for less than five years.

"The number of high-growth firms stood at 4,581 last year, down 10.2 percent, or 522, from the year before," the official said. The number of gazelles, by comparison, reached 1,076, down 71, or 6.2 percent, from the year before.

The latest data showed that of the companies set up in 2007, 59.8 percent survived at least one year, although numbers improved to 73 percent for companies in the transportation sector and 68.8 percent in the manufacturing sector.

The five-year survival rate for companies founded in 2007 fell to 30.9 percent overall, with a higher percentage of transportation and rental businesses having survived.

Data showed a steady downward dip in the first year survival rate, standing at 61.8 percent in 2008 but falling to 60.1 percent in 2010 and 60 percent in 2011.

By age, the statistical office said people in their 50s and 60s were most likely to close down operations than open them.

Companies with less than 50 million won in sales were most likely to close, with one-person businesses more vulnerable to closure than those with more employees, data showed.

South Korean Maritime Minister Resigns After Sewol

BY Wendy Laursen 2014-12-23 17:21:40

South Korea’s maritime minister Lee Ju-young resigned on Tuesday after handling the aftermath of April’s Sewol ferry disaster which claimed more than 300 lives, mostly school children. 

President Park Geun-hye announced the minister’s resignation during a cabinet meeting and said that Lee’s dedication to the recovery efforts deeply moved the victims’ families and the general public, reports Yonhap News. Lee remained on site in Jindo for 136 days while the search for missing people was conducted. 

I believe Lee showed the true image of a public official who must serve the public and expect him to play an even larger role for the nation wherever he goes, said Park. 

Sewol capsized with 476 people on board while it was en route to the southern resort island of Jeju. To date, nine people remain missing and 295 have been confirmed dead. 

Poor steering, cargo overloading and excessive remodelling of the ferry have been cited as causes for the sinking. 

Lee Joon-seok, the captain of the sunken ferry, was sentenced to 36 years in prison for abandoning passengers, but he was acquitted of murder charges. Other crew members have received jail terms ranging from 5 to 30 years. Some of the ferry’s crewmembers were among the first to leave the vessel after the children on board were told to stay in their cabins and await further orders.

Park’s government has been criticized over its handling of the initial response, and the nation’s Coast Guard has since been dismantled. Then prime minister Chung Hong-won announced his resignation shortly after the tragedy. About 50 rescue-related officials have been ordered to resign or face punishment.

The search for missing people was formally ended on November 11.

A Petition to Support Two South Korean Journalists, Kim Oujoon and Choo Chinwoo

언론인 김어준, 주진우에 대한 지지 청원 “박근혜 5촌 살인사건” 재판 관련해 김어준, 주진우에 대한 지지 청원입니다 정상추 | 2014-12-24 08:28:10

언론인 김어준, 주진우에 대한 지지 청원 A Petition to Support Two South Korean Journalists, Kim Oujoon and Choo Chinwoo “박근혜 5촌 살인사건” 재판 관련해 김어준, 주진우에 대한 지지 청원입니다. This petition has been prepared to show our support of Mr. Kim Oujoon and Mr. Choo Chinwoo in relation to a murder case of two close relatives of the current South Korean president, Park Geunhye. 1심 국민참여재판에서 무죄가 선고된 ‘나는 꼼수다’ 호스트인 김어준 딴지일보 총수와 주진우 시사인 기자에게 2심에서 검찰은 각각 징역 2년과 3년을 구형했습니다. After these two journalists had been acquitted by a jury in the first trial, the prosecution appealed to a higher court and demanded two years and three years in prison for Mr. Kim and Mr. Choo, respectively. 현 정권의 가족이 연루된 사건이라 해서 이상한 사건을 이상하다고 말하는 언론인의 기본적 의혹제기조차 봉쇄하겠다는 것은 저널리즘에 대한 사망선고에 다름 아닙니다. When the government blocks journalists’ rights to raising questions and suspicions concerning criminal cases, just because a relative of the president is involved in a case, they are ultimately denying the existence of journalism. 자신에게 불리한 언론의 감시와 견제를 부정하는 권력은 이미 독재입니다. 언론의 자유와 진실의 승리를 위해 그리고 우리 모두의 민주주의를 위해, 부디 많은 분들의 참여를 부탁드립니다. If the government rejects any observations and questioning by journalists because it may look unfavorable to them then it is already a dictatorship. A free press is an essential component of democracy. Please support these two journalists in their fight for the freedom of press and for democracy for South Korea. Dear Supporters of Democracy, This petition is being written to raise awareness on the severely compromised freedom of speech in South Korea. Two well-known South Korean journalists, Mr. Kim Oujoon and Mr. Choo Chinwoo, have been indicted on defamation charges against Mr. Park Jiman, the president’s brother, and have just undergone a trial at a high court in Seoul four weeks ago. Mr. Park was implicated in relation to a murder case from 2011. In 2011, a year prior to the last presidential election, there was a criminal case where two of the close relatives of current South Korean president Park Geunhye had been killed. One of the two dead men had testified in court to support a suspicion that Mr. Park Jiman had hired a hit man to kill his brother-in-law because of a conflict over control of the family-run foundation. He was murdered a few days before he would reappear as a witness in court requested by a lawyer for Mr. Park’s brother-in-law. The investigation was done in a rushed manner and concluded that he had been murdered by his own cousin who then took his own life immediately after. Even though there were unanswered questions, suspicions, and evidence that could point in a different direction the investigation was rushed to finish. After having spent several years looking into the Park’s family feud over the foundation Mr. Choo wrote an article about this mysterious murder case in 2012. His article raised suspicions on certain issues: why had the cousin climbed up a mountain at an incredibly fast speed after having murdered the victim just to hang himself there, why had he taken his daily medicine to improve his health just 30 minutes before his suicide, why powerful prescriptive sleeping pills had been found in his stomach afterwards, why did he have a note in his pocket with only one sentence, “NEVER to bury me, only cremation” in handwriting that was not proven to be his, and with no mention of any motive for a murder or any message to his family. He was in fact immediately cremated, so that any further forensic study in the future would not be possible even if necessary. Mr. Choo, an investigative journalist, talked about these facts in a podcast talk show hosted by Mr. Kim Oujoon before the presidential election in 2012. This podcast, called “Nanun KKonsuda” or “I am a Crook”, was one of the world’s most downloaded political podcasts in Apple iTunes history with every episode airing weekly to over 10 million downloads. It became a sensational hit in South Korea and is considered a landmark of an experimental talk show method in South Korean political history. Mr. Kim and Mr Choo spoke of this murder case without saying it was associated with Mr. Park. They simply said that before the man showed up to court, to possibly testify against Mr. Park, he had been murdered. However, Mr. Park filed a defamation suit against these two right after the podcast aired. In 2013 Mr. Kim and Mr. Choo were tried in a trial by jury which involved ordinary citizens as jurors and the two men were acquitted on all charges. However, the prosecutors appealed to a higher court and asked again for three years in prison for Mr. Choo and two years in prison for Mr. Kim, the same demands as the first trial. A judgment by the judge is scheduled to be delivered on January 16, 2015. Many citizens in South Korea are concerned that the South Korean judicial system may not be completely free from influence from the current two year old conservative and authoritarian administration while dealing with this case. Recently, the administration has gone so far as dissolving a progressive opposition party, the first time ever in South Korean constitutional history. Judges may find it difficult to be fair and unbiased without at least fearing any political consequences in this situation where these two journalists, who are fiercely critical of the government, have been sued by the president’s own brother. In his closing remarks of the first trial Mr. Kim addressed to the jurors, “We were fearful when we talked about this case. However, there is only one reason why Choo Chinwoo chose to write this article despite the numerous threats against him. It is because he is a journalist. I chose to air this interview for the same reason. That is what journalism exists for. Please help us so that we can have a second and a third Choo Chinwoo.” The jurors responded not guilty on all charges. Mr. Kim Oujoon and Mr. Choo Chinwoo are still working on this murder case while they await judgment. Please support these two South Korean journalists in this fight, not only for the freedom of speech or the right to stand up to those in power but above all else to fight for the pursuit of truth itself! Please sign the petition! Sign Petition 민주주의를 수호하는 여러분, 이 청원문은 심각하게 훼손된 한국의 표현의 자유에 대해 여러분께 알리고자 준비되었습니다. 잘 알려진 한국 언론인인 김어준씨와 주진우씨는 현 한국 대통령의 동생인 박지만씨의 명예를 훼손한 혐의로 기소가 되었고 4주전 서울의 고등법원에서 재판을 받았습니다. 박지만씨는 2011년 살인사건에 관계되었습니다. 한국의 대선이 있기 1년 전인 2011년, 현대통령 박근혜의 가까운 두 친척이 연루된 살인사건이 있었습니다. 살해된 친척은 박근혜 가족재단의 운영권을 둘러싼 박근혜 형제간 갈등 때문에, 현 대통령의 남동생 박지만씨가 자신의 매형을 청부살인하려 했다는 의혹에 대해 불리한 코멘트를 법원에서 한 자였습니다. 그는 박지만씨에 대한 반대 증인으로 박지만씨의 매형 쪽의 변호사에 의해 요구되어 법정에 재출두하기 며칠 전 살해되었습니다. 수사는 그가 자신의 사촌에 의해 살해되었으며 그 사촌은 즉시 자살했다고 결론을 내렸습니다. 의문점과 의혹들, 그리고 다른 방향을 제시하는 증거들이 있었음에도 불구하고 수사는 서둘러 종료되었습니다. 박근혜 가족 재단의 운영권 갈등을 몇 년간 취재해왔던 주진우 기자는 사촌간 살인과 자살로 발표된 이 죽음의 미스테리- 자신의 사촌을 살해한 직후 조명도 없는 암벽 등산로를 새벽에 믿을 수 없는 속도로 등반하여 산 속에서 목 매고 자살했다거나, 곧 자살할 사람이 30분 전 자산의 건강을 위한 위장약을 복용했다거나, 의사 처방없이는 구할 수 없는 강력한 수면제가 체내에서 발견되었다거나, 살해 동기나 사정에 대한 언급이나 가족에 대한 어떤 말도 없이 “나를 땅에 절대 묻지말고 화장하라”는 단 한 줄의 본인필체가 확인되지도 않은 유서만 남겼다거나 하는 수많은 여러 의문점들을 2012년 기사화했습니다. 실제로 그는 즉시 화장되어 더 이상의 포렌식도 불가능한 상황입니다. 이 사실들은 탐사기자인 주진우 기자가 김어준씨가 진행하던 팟캐스트에 출현해서 소개하며 2012년에 세상에 알려졌습니다. “나는 꼼수다”라는 이름의 이 방송은 방송이 지속된 2011-2012동안 매주 에피소드당 천만 이상 다운로드되어 애플 팟캐스트 사상 전세계 가장 많은 다운로드를 기록한 팟캐스트 중 하나였으며 한국 정치사에 이정표가 되는 언론실험으로 평가되고 있습니다. 방송에서 두사람은 박지만이 이 사촌살인사건과 직접 관련 있다는 어떠한 언급도 하지 않았습니다. 살해된 친척이, 박지만이 자신 매형을 청부살인하라고 지시했다는 의혹에 대해, 박지만에게 불리한 증언을 할 수도 있는 상황 직전에 살해되었다고 말했을 뿐입니다. 그럼에도 불구하고 이 방송 직후 박지만은 두 사람을 명예훼손으로 고소했습니다. 2013년 김어준씨와 주진우 기자는 평범한 시민들이 배심원으로 참여했던 국민참여재판을 받았고, 모든 혐의에 대해 무죄를 선고 받았습니다. 하지만 검찰은 고등법원에 항소하였고, 주진우 기자에게 원 구형대로 3년 그리고 김어준씨에게 2년 징역형을 구형했습니다. 판결은 2015년 1월 16일로 예정되어 있습니다. 한국의 많은 시민들은 한국의 사법부가 이 케이스를 다루는 데 있어, 집권 2년밖에 되지 않은 보수적이고 독재적인 정권의 영향으로부터 과연 완전히 자유로울 수 있을지 걱정합니다. 현 정권은 최근 헌정사상 최초로 진보정당을 해산시켜 버리기까지 했습니다. 특히 현 정권에 대해 가장 비판적인 언론인들인 두 사람을, 현 대통령의 남동생이 직접 고소한 이 사건을 다룸에 있어서, 어떠한 정치적 피해를 두려워하지 않고, 사법부가 공정하고 편견 없이 판결한다는 것이 어려울지 모릅니다. 1심 법정 최후 진술에서 김어준씨는 이렇게 말했습니다. “우리는 이 사건을 방송하기 두려웠다. 하지만 주진우가 수많은 위협에도 불구하고 이 내용을 기사화한 이유는 하나다. 기자기 때문이다. 이 기사를 방송한 이유도 하나다. 그러라고 언론이 존재하기 때문이다. 2번째 3번째 주진우가 나타나도록 도와달라.” 그리고 배심원들은 이 호소에 응답했고 그들의 편을 들어 무죄를 선고했습니다. 선고를 기다리는 지금도 이 두 사람은 여전히 그 살인사건을 추적 중에 있습니다. 언론의 자유를 위해, 권력을 가진 자들에 대항하여 말할 수 있는 권리를 지키기 위해 그리고 무엇보다도 진실의 추구를 위해, 이제 이들이 벌이는 투쟁에 함께 해주십시오. 이들을 적극 지지하는 청원서에 서명을 부탁드립니다. 청원서 서명 바로가기 본글주소: http://poweroftruth.net/column/mainView.php?kcat=2029&table=c_sangchu&uid=483

[Editorial] The Constitutional Court’s deadly blow against South Korean democracy

Constitutional Court President Park Han-chul (center) enters the court in Seoul’s Jongno district to preside over the final ruling in the disbandment of the Unified Progressive Party, Dec. 19. (pool photo)

The Constitutional Court ruled on Dec. 19 to disband the Unified Progressive Party. Lawmakers with the party were also stripped of their seats in the National Assembly. The decision was not based on any real evidence or definitive proof. It was a death sentence handed down on a small party for no other reason than that people didn’t like it. It was an utter repudiation of democracy, an institution founded on the core values of tolerance and diversity. Today, South Korea’s hard-won democratic system, the result of decades of struggle, now stands faced with the threat of disbandment and disintegration.

The Constitutional Court’s decision will go down as a huge black mark on judicial history. Decades ago, there were other cases where the courts were used as instruments for political suppression. There were the executions of People’s Revolutionary Party members by the Park Chung-hee administration in 1974, and there was the Rhee Syngman administration having Progressive Party presidential candidate Cho Bong-am put to death in 1959 for violating the National Security Law. That party was broken up when a government agency revoked its registration, but a 1958 Supreme Court ruling found neither its platform nor its policies unconstitutional. At least then there wasn’t the same far-fetched equating of the party’s major figures with the party itself that we saw this time. When party disbandment clause was introduced into the Constitution in 1960, the aim wasn’t to “guard against enemies of democracy,” but to protect party freedoms and guard the parties against the very threat of having their registration revoked by an administration. It’s a spirit that has carried over into the Constitution of today.

In that sense, the very fact that parties like the UPP were part of the representative democratic system is a true achievement of democracy in South Korea. When minorities aren’t excluded simply for having different views and saying different things, that’s a sign of a democracy that has been freed from totalitarianism and authoritarianism. The court’s decision, essentially an eviction notice for a progressive minority, turns back the clock on this historical achievement.

Members of civic and labor organizations and the Unified Progressive Party hold a candlelight protest at Seoul Plaza outside City Hall on the second anniversary of President Park Geun-hye’s election, chanting slogans protesting her government’s destruction of democracy, suppression of labor and disbandment of the UPP, Dec. 19. The placards read, “I can’t live like this” and express disapproval of Park’s first two years in office. (by Lee Jeong-woo, staff photographer)

The grounds on which the court justified the decision were flimsy to say the least. Party disbandment is supposed to be used only as a last resort and governed by the strictest standards. There needs to be a “concrete” threat of “substantive harm” posed to the basic democratic order by a party’s “goals and activities.” The court couldn’t find any such threat in the party platform, but claimed it could be surmised from the party’s “true motives” and “hidden goals.” Those “hidden goals” are exactly what needs to be rigorously demonstrated. Instead, the court, without any concrete evidence behind it, deemed the UPP’s “true motives” to be coordinating with North Korea because some of its members were saying similar things to Pyongyang. It’s the same kind of obtuse reasoning the prosecutors used to offer in National Security Law cases back in the authoritarian government days.

It’s also suspicious just how hastily it swept to that conclusion. The whole process, from start to finish, has taken under a year. And even if lawmaker Lee Seok-ki’s group did wrong in its activities, you can’t equate them with the activities of an entire party with some 100,000 members. Yet the Constitutional Court did just that, claiming that their activities were the party’s activities because they were “leaders” in it. Again, this judgment was made without any proof that these “leaders” had control of the party or that the party was following their lead. Then came the additional logical leap of claiming that the leaders’ philosophical leanings and activities posed a substantive threat. The existence of a “revolutionary organization” was not recognized in the criminal trial, and there was never even a Supreme Court ruling upholding the verdict after the defendants were acquitted of conspiracy to incite rebellion. Yet those were the charges used in delivering a death sentence to a political party. Lawmakers were even ordered to relinquish their seats without any basis in the Constitution or law. This is no mere constitutional judgment - it’s an abuse of authority.

This ruling does great damage to South Korea as a society. The UPP’s forced disbanding means that party freedoms and the freedom of political association, two of the key elements in a democratic system, will be severely constrained. Many people who agreed with progressive principles could now see themselves cast out of the system, their political views portrayed as unconstitutional or “pro-North Korea.” We can only imagine the kind of conflict and confrontation this will bring. Today it’s the UPP that’s being cast out; who knows who will be next?

The Constitutional Court exists as a result of the 1987 Constitution. Now that very institution is repudiating the spirit of democratic tolerance and reciprocal recognition at the heart of the ’87 system. It’s a scar that will not soon heal. The eight-to-one balance of judges in favor of the disbanding will also raise questions about whether the court truly reflects the balance of opinions in the country today. Indeed, it may even raise fundamental questions about the grounds for the court’s existence in the first place. That’s what happens when the court risks hurting itself to strike a blow against democracy.

Please direct questions or comments to [english@hani.co.kr]

[Editorial] UPP disbandment making South Korea an international laughingstock

From left, then-Saenuri Party (NFP) candidate and now President Park Geun-hye, Unified Progressive Party candidate Lee Jung-hee, Democratic United Party candidate Moon Jae-in at MBC studios in Seoul‘s Yeouido neighborhood for their televised debate during the presidential campaign, Dec. 12, 2012. At that debate, Lee Jung-hee harshly criticized Park and said she joined the presidential race specifically to “bring down Park Geun-hye”, who she described as daughter of Japanese collaborator “Takagi Masao” (former President Park Chung-hee). (National Assembly photo pool)

The disbanding of the Unified Progressive Party (UPP) was a Park Geun-hye “creation.” True, it was the Constitutional Court turned this tragic drama into fact, but the president is the one who supervised the project. Lacking any real results to show for her time in office, she landed the biggest one of all just in time for her second anniversary: turning back the clock on democracy by outlawing the UPP.

The ruling, Park said, was a “historic judgment that firmly preserves liberal democracy.” We’ll ignore the scholarly debate over the term “liberal democracy” for now and simply note that the decision was neither “liberal” nor “democratic.” Instead, personal freedoms and rights were trampled. Freedoms of expression and association were ruthlessly crushed, and representative democracy - based on the citizen’s right to choose - thoroughly repudiated. If Park wishes to congratulate herself on a job well done, perhaps it would better to call it a “victory for anti-Communist democracy.”

To be honest, Park’s aims in disbanding the UPP were never remotely about guarding democracy or upholding constitutional values. It’s well known that the UPP was never going to pose any serious threat to South Korean society. Indeed, it was already moribund, its political death warrant sealed with the trial of lawmaker Lee Seok-ki for conspiracy to commit insurrection. So why did Park feel compelled to deliver the coup de grace by having it broken apart? The only explanation that comes to mind is her own personal dislike and political vendetta against the party.

The Blue House seen in the distance behind the Constitutional Court in Seoul on Dec. 19, the day of the ruling to disband the Unified Progressive Party. (by Lee Jong-geun, staff photographer)

　

A political vendetta from the 2012 presidential election debates

When the Constitutional Court ruling was delivered, many people flashed back to the televised presidential election debate of Dec. 4, 2012. They recalled then-UPP candidate Lee Jung-hee launching a scathing attack at Park, declaring she was running as a candidate specifically to “bring down Park Geun-hye.” And they recalled Park, staring back at Lee with rage-filled eyes. The National Intelligence Service dropped the Lee Seok-ki case just in the nick of time, and Park wasn’t about to let the opportunity pass. She enlisted the Ministry of Justice to file a petition on the party’s disbanding with the Constitutional Court. She was presumably convinced that the near-uniformly conservative, pro-ruling party Constitutional Court would do what she wanted, and it didn‘t let her down. Park has likened herself to a Jindo dog. “When a Jindo bites, it doesn’t let go until it has ripped away all the flesh,” she has said. Now she’s shown just how scary she can be when someone crosses her - sinking her teeth in until the last breath has been choked out.

At the same time, she also showed that she lacks the qualities and virtues needed to be leader of a country. Tolerance, generosity, a sense of balance, consideration for political minorities, and the foresight to let bygones be bygones - no matter how hard we look, we see no sign of any of these. Most of all, this has been an utter rejection of the public’s desire to achieve reconciliation and unity - one of the most crucial tasks of our times. Instead, we see blazing hostility and petty vindictiveness against a political foe. It‘s a hostility that has serious consequences for our society.

Growing dissent, international criticisms

For now, the UPP’s disbanding is poised to cause divisions and conflict in South Korean society that will not go away easily. Supporters and opponents of the ruling will continue on parallel tracks, with no common ground between them. Already, some far-right groups, including members of the Ilbe website, have been throwing horrendous accusations against the lone dissenting Constitutional Court judge, Kim Yi-su. “Scratch him and you’ll find Jeolla underneath,” said one rightwing commenter. The behavior of immature right-wingers is deplorable, to be sure, but it’s President Park who bears the ultimate responsibility for this situation.

South Korea had already become an international laughing stock after the allegations of interference in state affairs by a secret circle of Park cronies. This ruling is only going to tarnish its image further. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have both issued scathing denouncements. “This sort of draconian political tactic is the sort of thing that one would have expected from an authoritarian like her father [Park Chung-hee] decades ago, and not from the leader of the modern, democratic country that South Korea has become in the 21st century,” said Human Rights Watch. The Venice Commission, an advisory council for world constitutional court organizations, has demanded a copy of the UPP disbandment ruling, which means the decision is now set for international scrutiny. Is Park going to respond to these international criticisms the same way her father did - by talking about the “particularity” of South Korean democracy? It‘s already shameful and exasperating to see this country being singled out by the international community.

Park may be greeting the ruling with a smile of satisfaction, convinced she’s taken care of the political threat of the secret circle allegations. She may also be counting it as an opportunity to rally conservatives and rescue her sinking approval ratings. We’re already seeing signs that the administration plans to pull the reins of “public security politics” even tighter going ahead. But can it really make up for her governance mistakes and give her a fresh start? That looks highly unlikely. One reckless move tends to beget another, and it won’t be long before she‘s stuck in a quagmire even she can’t get out of. If anything’s certain about Park’s future, it’s this: she will go down forever in history with her father as leader who set a milestone in reversing democracy.

Please direct questions or comments to [english@hani.co.kr]

After UPP ruling, prosecutors carrying out broad crackdown on progressives

Members of civic and labor organizations and the Unified Progressive Party hold a candlelight protest at Seoul Plaza outside City Hall on the second anniversary of President Park Geun-hye’s election, chanting slogans protesting her government’s destruction of democracy, suppression of labor and disbandment of the UPP, Dec. 19. The placards read, “I can’t live like this” and express disapproval of Park’s first two years in office. (by Lee Jeong-woo, staff photographer)

Various groups now being probed on possibility of “aiding the enemy” and associating with North Korea

Police are investigating an attorney whose client was recently acquitted in a high-profile espionage case for alleged violation of the National Security Law, it emerged on Dec. 22.

The same day, police searched eight locations associated with the attorney, Jang Kyung-wook of the group MINBYUN-Lawyers for a Democratic Society, including his office and home.

Meanwhile, prosecutors began considering whether to classify the Unified Progressive Party (UPP) as a “group aiding the enemy” following a Constitutional Court ruling last week to disband it. Many are viewing the events as part of an all-out security blitz in the wake of the UPP ruling, with long-standing cases among security authorities and accusations by conservative and far-right groups used to go after potential “threats.”

The second security division of the Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency (SMPA) conducted search and seizure operations on the offices of Corean Alliance in Seoul’s Seongsan neighborhood and four other locations, including the homes of nine members. The group is being investigated for alleged expression of support for North Korea’s “military first” political regime through an internet cafe, which constitutes “praise and encouragement” for the enemy according to the National Security Law.

Search and seizure operations were also conducted on three locations associated with a pastor from the CCL [Civilian Control Line] Peace Church, including his home in Gimpo, Gyeonggi Province, and the church itself. The pastor, surnamed Lee, is being investigated for meeting with the vice director of North Korea‘s Institution for Unification of the Fatherland while attending a Nov. 2013 seminar in Germany, which is considered “meeting, correspondence, or coordination with the enemy” according to the law.

“The Corea Alliance case has been under internal investigation since the first half of 2012, and we wanted to finish it within the year,” explained the police.

Acting under the prosecutors’ direction, the police also attempted to search Jang‘s home, but the court refused to grant a warrant. Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office first security division, which is directing the case, is investigating Jang for allegedly meeting with North Koreans while in Germany with Lee.

“The Corean Alliance, which is suspected of establishing a group aiding the enemy, appears to have helped Jang and Lee with their trip to Germany,” explained a source with prosecutors.

Speaking in a telephone interview with the Hankyoreh, Jang asked, “Am I not supposed to go to an international seminar I’ve been invited to if a North Korean also participates?”

“My guess is that they’re using South Korea‘s proneness to security panics to go after me,” he added.

Also, a conservative group filed a complaint with the first security division of Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office on Dec. 19, charging the entire membership of the UPP, including party leader Lee Jung-hee, with violating the National Security Law. The office is currently weighting whether to use the Constitutional Court‘s recent ruling as a basis for classifying the UPP as a group that aids the enemy.

“If we do decide to investigate, we’re not going to investigate every single of the party’s members,” a source with prosecutors said. Indeed, observers believe the investigation, if it happens, would focus on the six people named in the complaint, including Lee and former National Assembly lawmakers for the party.

Signs also pointed to the investigations possibly expanding to progressives in general. On Dec. 22, a right-wing group lodged a complaint with the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office against people who staged demonstrations on Dec. 20--21 criticizing the UPP disbandment decision, including Korea Alliance For Progressive Movement representative Park Seok-un, Korean Confederation of Trade Unions president Shin Seung-cheol, and Korean Peasants‘ League chairperson Kim Young-ho.

The group is arguing that Article 5-1 of the Assembly and Demonstration Act bans gatherings and demonstrations to achieve the goals of a party that has been disbanded by Constitutional Court ruling.

Speaking at a press conference on Dec. 22, SMPA commissioner Kang Shin-myung said police were “considering comments made by Lee Jung-hee and others while attending the demonstrations on Dec. 20 and 21.”

“A decision is very likely to come at a later date,” Kang added.

Police are reportedly in the process of gathering and analyzing statements and details from the demonstrations.

By Kim Kyu-nam and Jung Hwan-bong, staff reporters

　

Please direct questions or comments to [english@hani.co.kr]